Tuesday 3 March 2015

Them and Us

In the last blog the political situation in Western Europe was characterised as a growing polarisation between 'them and us' (as opposed to a Thatcher style defeat of the traditional organised labour movement, which the Greek finance minister thought was an appropriate guide to today's conditions and consciousness among ordinary people in the euro zone.)

But who in the 'post industrial society' in the West, are 'them'? And who, more significantly, are becoming 'us'?

'Them' is easy. Oxfam reports that by 2016 the richest 1% will own more than 50% of the world's wealth. (80% of the current world's population own just 5.5% of the world's wealth today.) In 2014 the 80 richest people on Earth already had the same wealth as the bottom 3.5 billion people. But does that effect western democratic politics and power? Are the rich also defined politically as well as economically? You bet your sweet bippy. In 2010, 800 000 Americans (0.26% of the US population) made 68% of the contributions to Congress. One group of people on the planet have never been more politically active. And you get what you pay for.

Ok. That's 'them'. Who are 'us'?

One thing that the new youth rebellion in the West, in the Middle East and North Africa has taught us is that people who hate the effects of their political and economic system and despise its rulers do not have to work out a theory about why they exist in order to act. In reality the character of the Western working class and its traditional movements has been evolving for decades - in some cases beyond the traditional left's recognition. In some countries trade unions remain important residues of organisation and defence and often it is the best militants from there who lead in the understanding of the vast changes in society and the consequent changed conditions of struggle. The industrial working class organisation no longer creates the political working class expression, as in the classic case of nineteenth century Britain. One might almost say the reverse, in that it is in the new political expressions of resistance and challenge that we find the grouping and then the regrouping of a new working class.

We should not be surprised. Since the dawn of capitalism the working class has gone through many evolutions, often associated with the most tumultuous struggles. The initial gathering of the British working class, conscious of itself as a class, with its own distinct interests, was in response to the explicitly political campaign of the Chartists for the vote. Weavers from rural hamlets and mining families scrabbling for coal in green valleys, as well as the boot makers and basket weavers and brewers and canal builders gathered at Peterloo in the name of the Charter to be hacked down by Britain's cossacks on the say-so of Wellington. History does not lay down a prescription about the right and the wrong movements of the workers, the toilers, the poor and the oppressed. A class becomes itself; it is not given its credentials by virtue of how the system decides it should be mustered today, tomorrow, next year.

The 'us' consists of all those who struggle with and against austerity. The students, the single mums, the health workers, the oaps, the disabled, those who challenge war, those who will not pay, those who face down racism. In action they seek redress. In action they find allies. They become a class for itself.

Right now such a new class coalition has already won a government in Europe, in Greece. By December this year it could win another in Spain. Ireland could follow. And the the rock of traditional British stability is shaking as Scotland too starts down the anti-austerity road. A new working class, a new 'us' is stirring, forming, acting, seizing a political life for itself, albeit in a dangerous world. How right that is; a light against dark.


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